The Family of John Wiley Reed 1792-1854: GETTING STARTED IN THE NEW LAND FOR THE REED'S

The story of how the Reed’s came to be in the new country is interesting because it apparently started with a man named Malcolm Clark and his love and longing to have his daughter, Mary near him. This indirectly caused the linage link in the new land and the history the Reed’s had in building our country. Two main versions have come from historical records and family recollections that give us a glimpse into what may have been. From one or a combination of the two has become the root of the Reed history now for over 225 years.

Version 1
In 1939, D. Graham Copeland (a descendant of Samuel and Mary’s daughter Rebecca who married Henry Hartzog) wrote a genealogy book for his daughters and their husbands. He typed it on onionskin paper with carbon paper only after extracting pledges from them that they indeed would read it. This book is titled Many Years After: A Bit Of History and Some Recollections of Bamberg. It was not published. Only a few onionskin copies were made. A copy is at the South Caroliniana Library in Columbia, SC, and it is available to read on microfilm.

Copeland’s source for the Reed section of his book was primarily Lillie Cooper from Denmark, SC. Lillie’s mother was Alice Ann Reed, daughter of Samuel and Elizabeth Boylston Reed. According to Lillie, Alice grew up at her grandmother Mary Clark Reed’s knee. Mary related stories of her early life to her granddaughter Alice, who passed them down to her children. (When Copeland visited Lillie Cooper for this book, she showed him a vest of Samuel's and a cap of Mary's. Sad to say, Lillie's home burned in the 1950s.)

Lillie’s story is that Malcolm Clark married his wife Mary in Ireland about 1750. After several children were born and Mary died, Malcolm and a son Hugh came to what is now South Carolina before the Revolutionary War. They came to survey the new land for King George III, King of the British Empire of the world, at that time. They obtained land, cleared a farm, and established a trading post all the while Malcolm was working as a surveyor. Since the passing of his wife, Mary, Malcolm sorely missed his daughter Mary who had remained in Ireland. Mary Clark had married a man named Samuel Reed, and Malcolm convinced them to come to South Carolina “with their children of whom there were several.”

As their arrival date approached, Malcolm traveled to Charlestown to catch a vessel going to “George Town” so he could meet his daughter’s ship. A bad storm arose and Malcolm perished on the small ship during the storm at sea. Samuel and Mary, certainly saddened to learn of Malcolm’s death, decided to continue their journey to see Mary’s brother Hugh. According to Copeland, the journey took them almost a year due to the countryside being torn by revolution and “no small amount of civil strife.” They arrived in Orangeburg District to learn that Hugh was dead and the trading post demolished. It was speculated that he had been murdered by Tories (see “Who were the Tories?” next page) disguised as Indians.

Loyalists were American colonists who remained loyal to the Kingdom of Great Britain (and the British monarchy) during and after the American Revolutionary War. They were often referred to as Tories, Loyalists, or King's Men by the Patriots, those that supported the revolution. When their cause was defeated, about 20% of the Loyalists left the US to resettle in other parts of the British Empire, in Britain or elsewhere in British North America (especially New Brunswick), where they were called United Empire Loyalists; some went to the British West Indies, especially the Bahamas). Black Loyalists made up some of the Loyalist community. They lost all the property left behind, but were compensated by British claims procedures

All Samuel and Mary wanted to do was return to Ireland, but obtaining passage was impossible in the post-war chaos. They remained in Barnwell County where the raised nine children.

Their names are Hugh, Jane “Jenny”, John, Margaret ”Peggy”, Rebekka “Becky”,

Eleanor “Nellie”, Levicia “Vicy”, Mary and Ellen.

Version 2

In Healing Springs: A History of the Springs and Surrounding Area (published in 2004 by Sandlapper Publishing Co., Inc., Orangeburg SC), author Raymond P. Boylston (a descendant of Samuel and Mary’s youngest daughter Mary who married Austin Boylston), writes that Malcom Clark came to America in 1750 as a surveyor for King George III and settled near Bamberg. Once he was established here (no date given), he sent for his wife, two sons, and two daughters.

According to this version, Malcom went to the coast to meet the ship bringing his family, but a storm prevented the ship from docking. Malcom perished in sight of his family when his boat capsized as he attempted to row out to the ship. Malcom’s friends brought the family back to his home where he had provided well for them.

This book goes on to say that Malcom’s son Hugh was killed by Tories during the Revolutionary War. Mary married Samuel Reed “a prominent farmer near Healing Springs, about 1782,” and they had built their home by 1790.

Most accounts place Mary Clark and Samuel Reed to be married in Ireland, most likely Londonderry and coming to America as a family with two children, Hugh and Jane.

Either way it give you a sense of the turbulent times in the colonies then.

Thoughts on Malcom's Mystery

by Henry Singer

Henry Singer is a great-great-great-great grandson of Samuel and Mary Reed. Born in Savannah, GA, he grew up in Washington State. He and his wife Marlene taught elementary school for 30+ years and are currently enjoying retirement in Tucson, AZ.

His lineage: Samuel Reed & Mary Clark; Hugh Reed & Jane McSpeddon; James W. Reed & Anne Tyler; James A. Reed & Gertrude Easterling; Marcus Reed & Annie Garrick; Miriam Reed & Henry Singer; Henry Singer, Jr.

Henry has done a superb job of sorting through the information we have available on Samuel, Mary, and Malcom and has submitted the following observations. Thank you, Henry, for relating your thoughts to us. This is exactly the kind of sharing I dreamed of when I started this blog.

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

Thoughts on Malcom's Mystery
by Henry Singer

Having read the two versions of the Reed/Clark immigration by D. Graham Copeland and Raymond Boylston, I would like to add some of my thoughts and observations. These are just opinions and certainly subject to challenge and additional research. To begin with, I have tried to note similarities and differences in the stories and see how they match up with actual facts that we have.

I believe that most family stories have a lot of truth to them. However, as oral traditions they are subject to forgotten and/or embellished details. Both of these stories seem to be sincere attempts to relate the story of the Reed/Clark family origins in America. Yet, there are significant differences surrounding a similar theme.

We know that Malcom Clark was in South Carolina prior to April 8, 1771 where there is evidence of his first recorded land survey. The surveys mentioned run until 1774, and thereafter Malcom Clark is further noted as a Justice of the Quorum in 1775 and a Justice of the Peace in 1776. He also has a survey done for his own property in 1774. Thus, it would seem reasonable to me to state that Malcom Clark was fairly well established in South Carolina by the mid 1770s.

Looking at the Copeland and Boylston documents, we see that Copeland says Malcom Clark married in Ireland about 1750. Boylston, on the other hand, has Malcom Clark arriving in South Carolina in 1750. I tend to support the Copeland document in this area for several reasons. One is evidence of two people named Clark arriving in South Carolina on the Betty Gregg in 1768.

While we cannot say for certain that this was Malcom and Hugh Clark, it does seem to fit our known timeline a little better. Malcom was clearly well educated for his time and worked as a surveyor for the English. It seems unlikely to me that he would arrive in 1750 yet have no recorded surveys for 21 years. Secondly, having an adult son, Hugh, along would seem to fit with a marriage in 1750. Hugh would have been about 20 years of age, old enough to both leave home and help with surveying in a new land. The Clarks on the Betty Gregg could have been Malcom and his wife, yet Boylston has the wife arriving in the early to mid 1780s in his account. In addition, a thirty year separation seems unlikely to me.

In another area, it does seem safe to assume that Malcom Clark died while going to meet his daughter Mary upon her arrival from Ireland. Whether Malcom died in a shipwreck or while rowing out to meet the ship carrying his daughter may never be known. My personal bias is that the Boylston story of Malcom dying in sight of his family just seems a little too romanticized. But, stranger things have happened and love is a powerful motivator. Shipwrecks, on the other hand, can be shown to have been very common. A real question, however, is who besides the daughter Mary was on the ship? Boylston suggests that Malcom Clark was going to meet his wife, his daughter Mary, and his son Hugh. Copeland suggests that Malcom was meeting his daughter Mary, her husband Samuel Reed and their family. Without a ship's record, it is hard to say for sure which is correct. What we do know is that Hugh Reed (Mary and Samuel Reed's son) says that he was born in Ireland according to the 1850 census. Combine this with a given birth date of 1783 from his tombstone and it would seem to give a little more weight to the Copeland version. It would also seem to place the range of this voyage between 1783-1786. If the notice of Malcom Clark's will in 1786 is accurate, and it took a year for the family to travel through South Carolina, then the voyage might be more closely pinpointed to 1784-1785.

Moving on, it also seems reasonable to me that Hugh Clark died at the hands of Tories/Indians. Both the Copeland and Boylston accounts suggest this. In addition, according to the "Memoirs of Tarleton Brown" by Tarleton Brown (1862) this type of acitivity was very prevalent near the end of the Revolutionary War period 1781-1785, and may have continued for sometime after. It might be worth noting that the United States of America did not actually become the nation that we know today until 1787. Tarleton Brown's stories of the discontent prevalent in South Carolina also seems to fit with Copeland's narrative which states that it took almost a year for Mary and Samuel Reed to reach the Clark land claim due to unrest and turmoil in the colony. One BIG question that I have is this. If Hugh Clark died in the early to mid 1780s at the hands of Tories, why is he listed as the owner of Malcom Clark's property in the 1792 notice of auction? Perhaps a simple answer, but I don't currently have it.

To solve some of these discrepancies will probably require the unearthing of more ship records, land records, marriage records, family lore, etc. I hope my thoughts spur additional questions, ideas, and research. Eventually, I would like to try researching Irish records if they still exist. Malcom Clark's written surveys seem to indicate a well educated man. His competent use of written English would seem to suggest that he was educated in England or what we now know as Northern Ireland. He was also hired by the Crown as a surveyor. I guess I am questioning whether Malcom is of Irish lineage or was simply an Englishman residing in the Irish colony. Clark is also generally regarded as an AngloSaxon, not Irish name. Just thought I would add more confusion to the existing "Malcom Mystery".

Happy researching,

Henry

Posted 8/06/2009 07:00:00 AM

2 comments:

Marilyn Reed ThomsonAugust 7, 2009 7:01 PM

Henry, I have wondered if the ad for the sale of Hugh's land where it says "late the property of Malcolm Clark, and now of Hugh Clark his son" could be interpreted as "late the property of Malcolm Clark, and now [late the property] of Hugh Clark his son." In other words, Hugh had died by the time this land was sold. When he actually died is still anyone's guess.

Henry SingerAugust 7, 2009 8:50 PM

Marilyn, I think you make an excellent point. We know that both Boylston and Copeland seem to suggest that Hugh Clark died at the hands of Tories, probably in the mid to late 1780s. In addition, I haven't seen any record of Hugh Clark in the 1790 Orangeburgh census. I think the notice could well be interpreted as you have suggested.

MANY YEARS AFTER

A BIT OF HISTORY AND SOME RECOLATIONS OF BAMBURG

WITH

APPENDIX OF DATA CONCERNING A FEW BAMBURG COUNTY FAMILIES AND THEIR CONNECTIONS

D. GRAHAM COPELAND

COPY 3 OF 6 COPIES

Original Date unknown circa 1940

This transcript typed July 17, 2012 by Tom Reed

Apparently the last name spelling Reid and Reed are interchangeable within

The Reed Family Connections

The Reed family rendered very conspicuous in the Revolutionary forces of South Carolina. Probably the largest number lived in Ninety-Six District and, when it is recalled that this district was unusually loyal to the British and furnished the greatest number of Tories, it is realized how greatly the family suffered on account of its patriotic service to the state.

George Reid of Ninety-Six rose to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel and served at the siege of Savannah under General Williamson from September 16 to October 30, 1778. Later he served on the frontier and, for a while, was stationed at aristocratic Old Beech Island near Augusta.

Samuel Reid served a private after his reduction of Charles Town but received no pay until March 15, 1790, as an indent signed by John Bowie and Jasper Caldwell proves.

Concerning Joseph Reed, this records state:

“For duty as Private and Lieutenant under Col. Anderson pay in the amount of 71-7-10 ½ sterling” also, “I do hereby certify that Joseph Reed, a refugee belonging to the State of South Carolina, joined my Regiment and was wounded at the battle of King’s Mountain at the defeat of Major Ferguson September 7, 1780.

Signed: Benjamin Cleveland of Wilke’s County, N.C. March 14, 1784.”

Others of the family whom the records show did their bit for South Carolina during the Revolution were : David, Frances, George, Hugh, Job, John, Murray, Thomas and Willis Reed, and John, Matthew, Murray and Shadrach Reid.

The writer is descended from the Reed family through the marriage of Rebecca Reed and Henry Barnard Hartzog, who became my great, grandparents on the maternal side. Thanks largely to the care and preservation of old family records by Miss Lily Cooper of present day Denmark, S.C. and to their great store of data and information concerning the Reed family, of which she too is a lineal descendent, it is possible to present a fairly complete story of the branch of family of which I belong.

Malcolm Clark became the husband of Mary (unknown maiden name) in Ireland about 1750, and to them came several children prior Mary’s death in Ireland. The widowed father and a son, Hugh, migrated to South Carolina prior to the Revolution and settled in South Edisto River in Old Orangeburgh District. After clearing a farm, on which he established a general trading post, he continued his work as a surveyor for which he had been trained at college and for which there was a great demand in the Colony in those days. He soon became very prosperous and influential, being elected Justice of the Quorum of Orangeburgh District in 1774 and in 1776, being commissioned Justice by President Rutledge, Malcolm accumulated considerable wealth when measured by the standards of the day. He yearned, however, for the companionship of his only daughter, Mary, whom he adored, and who had married Samuel Reed with whom she was still living in Ireland. Malcolm induced his daughter and her husband to come to South Carolina with their children of whom there were several.

The vessel on which Mary made the voyage was to arrive in George Town and, leaving his son, Hugh, in charge of the trading post, Malcolm traveled to Charles Town from which port he took passage to George Town. Ordinarily, the trip was one of one or two days duration, but, on this occasion, a terrific gale swept the coast, and it is believed that this small sailing vessel foundered with the loss of all on board. Certain it is, that no word ever came back to indicate that a single person survived the wreck.

Bewildered to learn of her father’s death at sea when she arrived in the new land, Mary and her husband, Samuel Reed, after a hazardous trip through a country already torn by Revolution and no small amout of civil strife, did not reach their fathers homestead in Orangeburgh District for almost a year. Then, to their utter consternation they found the trading post in ruins and her brother, Hugh, dead. He had been murdered several months prior to their arrival at the trading post by a body of marauders, some of whom, disguised as Indians were thought by her father’s friends to have been Tories. The young couple had only one idea and that was to return with their children to Ireland, but, as it was almost impossible to obtain passage owing to chaotic conditions existing during the Revolution, they were forced to remain in the Colony.

Mary Clark Reed lived to advanced age and kept in her home one of her granddaughters, who became the mother of Miss Lily Cooper. To this child, she was warmly attached, and related many instances of her early life in South Carolina, all of which stories have been handed down to Miss Lily Cooper. In her lovely old home near Denmark, Miss Cooper treasures a dainty lace cap worn by Mary prior to 1800, and a silk embroidered vest of Samuel, both of which are really museum pieces.

Samuel (died November 1, 1823) and Mary Clark Reed finally became greatly attached to America and prospered on their plantation on South Edisto, where they reared a family of 9 sons and daughters.

They were:

1. Hugh, who married Jane McSpeddon. He died May 10, 1854, while

his wife died October 6, 1839.

2. Jane, who married Jonathan Thomas Waters.

3. Rebecca, who married Henry Bernard Hartzog, my great grandfather.

4. Lavoicy, who married David Hair.

5. Margaret, (“Peggy”), who married Newport Head’

6. Eleanor, who married George Hartzog.

7. Mary, who married Austin Boyleston

8. John, who married Julia Odom.

9. Samuel, Jr. who married Elizabeth Boyleston December 31, 1823. She died March 1, 1853.

The family of my great grandparents, Henry Barnard and Rebecca Reed Hartzog, as well as that of George and Eleanor Reed Hartzog, is treated at length and charted in detail under the heading “The Hartzog Family.”

(1) Samuel J. (died June 16, 1862) married Martha Houser November 15, 1854. She died in 1860. To them came two children:

(a) Annie, born in 1851, and (b) Bruce, born in 1853.

(2) Mary, who married a Simmons.

(3) Ann Alice, who married Clark Columbus Cooper February 16,

1843, and to whom were born:

(a) Charles W., and (b) Lily, who lives near Denmark, S.C.

(4) Georganna, who married W.W. Culler February 1, 1848, and left one son, (a) Charles W.

Most of the elder Reed’s, including my great grandparent, Henry Barnard and Rebecca Reed Hartzog, are buried in the old Reed burial ground on the plantation originally owned by Malcolm Clark between present day Denmark, and South Edisto. In 1915, the grounds were in dilapidated condition, although the inscriptions on the tombstones could be easily read.

According to a writer in “The Bamburg Herald” of Thursday December 15, 1938, a strange sight met the eyes of the curious in the old cemetery a few days prior to the date stated. Says the unknown writer:

“ In a vault in the burial ground of the Reed family located in Bamburg County, recent visitors saw a body which had been buried in a metal cast, made in the form of a human body.

This method of burial seems to be so unusual in this section of this country, that a number went on the plot to view it through the broken brick at the end of the vault.

The first visitors who reported this unusual grave said that, on the side of the body, there was a sword and on the other side a gun.

The grave is that of George J. Reed. The marble slab on top of the vault carries the information that he was a native of Barnwell District, that he was born September 2, 1812, and died July 9, 1857.

The metal cast resembles very much a suit of armor, such as was worn by knights seven hundred years ago. No provision was made, however, for joints in the cast, and the section for the lower extremities in in one piece. The cast is made with arms folded across the breast and above this is a plate for a inscription. The metal cast is hinged along one side and the other side is securely bolted together. The metal appears to be iron which has rusted or copper.

Dr. L.W. Busbee, of Springfield, related the story, and, in view of the fact that the grave is that of a great uncle of Sheriff George L. Reed of Orangeburgh, the latter visited the spot.

Sheriff Reed, commenting on what he saw, said that, although the first visitors reported there was a gun and a sword beside the body, these had disappeared when he visited the burial ground, which is a few miles from Norway across South Edisto in Bamburg County.”

Recently I have located the original entry of the first land grant to any member of the family in present day Barnwell County. It was a Job Red . A peculiar spelling of the name that still exists. The old document is interesting and is reproduced in full.

“Read the Petition of Job Red humbly setting forth that the petitioner is lately come into this Province and is desorious of settling here on the waters of the Savannah River. He has a wife and one child and never had any lands granted him, and humbly prays His Excellency and Their Honors to order the Surveyor General to lay out to the petitioner 150 acres of land on the waters of the Savannah River as aforesaid and that he may have a grant for the same.. and the Petitioner in duty bound shall ever pray.

Job Red. Charles Town, the 7^th. November 1752.”

On Mills Atlas of Barnwell District for 1825, are shown the places of J. and Thomas Red on Upper Three Runs, a tributary of the Savannah, about 10 or 12 miles East of the Edgefield District line on the road leading from Barnwell C.H. to Augusta, Ga.

My research for Reed data has clearly proven that my branch of the family was founded in America by Samuel and Mary Clark Reed and that, while there may have been family ties with other branches prior to their arrival in South Carolina, that are not connected with the numerous other branches that were established in many Colonies prior to their arrival in Orangeburgh District. While I have not been able to prove the point conclusively, it is thought that Malcolm Clark and his daughter Mary, and her husband Samuel Reed, came originally from Londonderry, Ireland.

Digital copy of Many Years After by D. Graham Copeland

http://library.sc.edu/digital/collections/manyyears1.html

In conclusion it would seem safe to assume (that ugly word) that Hugh Clark was in the colony plying his trade of surveying for the Crown as well as the needed services for the new inhabitants of the colony around 1770. It would seem logical that he would have offered a starting point for Samuel & Mary Clark Reed if they would come to the new land sometime after 1785-1790. This date seems plausible since their son Hugh (1783-1854) and daughter Jane (1784 -?) were mentions as Mary’s children brought from Ireland and is before the birth date of their first born American child in John Reed 1792-1854. Although the Revolution was over the unrest and conflict from the Tories and Loyalist to the crown was still active. This would lend much to the stories about Malcolm Clarks Trading Post being burned and Macolm's son Hugh killed in the process. Henry Singers conclusions seem to be the most logical way events must have unfolded.

Little is known of Samuel Reed, his life before America, his occupation or vocation prior to coming to America but he must have been a well educated man by virtue of his marriage into the Clark family and his ability to be able to leave Ireland to make an expensive and long journey to America to start anew.

There must have been quite an adjustment after arrival with the conflict and unrest left over from the Revolutionary War. The following gives a very distinct view of what the environment must have been like just after the Revolution when Samuel & Mary Clark Reed were first getting established.

I have included the following to give a sense of the political climate and the hardships the local population must have been dealing with during the turbulent period between the Revolutionary War and the beginning of the Civil War, unrest that most assuredly affected this southern South Carolina area.

Tom Reed 2013

Memoirs of Tarleton Brown

A Captain in the Revolutionary Army

Written by himself

My father, William Brown, was a planter in Albemarle County, Virginia, where I was born on the 5th day of April, 1757. Flattering inducements being held forth to settlers in the rich region of South Carolina contiguous to the Savannah River; and my uncle, Bartlett Brown, having already moved, and settled himself two miles above Matthew’s Bluff, on the Savannah River; my father bought some negroes, and left them with his brother to make a crop; and in 1769, a year afterwards, my father and family, consisting of eleven persons, emigrated to this country and settled on Brier’s Creek, opposite to Burton’s Ferry. We found the country in the vicinity very thinly inhabited. Our own shelter for several weeks to protect us from the weather was a bark tent, which served for our use until we could erect a rude dwelling of logs.
Having cleared a piece of land, we planted, and found the soil to be exceedingly fertile in the river swamp, producing abundant crops. The country was literally infested with wild beast, which were very annoying to the inhabitants - killing the stock and destroying the crops - and were so bold, daring, and ravenous, that they would come into our yards, and before our doors take our sheep and poultry. Indeed it was dangerous to venture out at night beyond the precincts of our yard unarmed. We used every device to exterminate them, and ultimately effected our objects by setting traps and poisoned bait.

The forest abounded with all kinds of game, particularly deer and turkeys - the former were almost as gentle as cattle. I have seen fifty together, in a day’s ride in the woods. The latter were innumerable, and so very fat that I have often run them down on horseback. The range for cattle was excellent; it was a very common thing to see two hundred in a gang in the large ponds. In any month of the year beeves [beef] in the finest order for butchering might be obtained from the forest. It was customary then to have large pens or enclosures for cattle under the particular charge or direction of some person or persons. I was informed by one of those who kept a pen at King creek, that there had been marked that spring seven hundred calves. Our produce for market was beef, pork, staves, and shingles. There was but little corn planted in that section then; and, indeed, there was scarcely any inducement to plant more than sufficed for our own consumption, there being but few mills in the country, and consequently very little demand for the article.

From the fact of the new and unsettled state of the country, it may be readily inferred that the roads were very inferior; in truth, they were not much better than common bridle paths; and I feel confident in asserting that there were not, in the whole Barnwell District, any conveyances superior to carts of common wood slides. There were a great many wild horses running at large in the forest when we first settled in the district, a number of which were caught and sold by various individuals, who pursued exclusively the business for a living.

In 1775 the war broke out in South Carolina, and troops were required for the service - a draft was accordingly ordered in our section, and being one among the drawn number, we forthwith took up the line of march for Pocataligo, then under command of General Bull, where we were stationed about seven weeks. Nothing of importance requiring our attendance at that place, our company; was discharged, and we returned to our homes, where we had scarcely arrived, when another draft was ordered, for the first siege of Savannah, Georgia. On this occasion I escaped being drawn, but was employed by William Bryant to act in his place.

We embarked in an open boat, on the Savannah River, Captain Moore commanding our company. After three days’ passage down the river we arrived at Savannah, in good health and in fine spirits, all eager to engage in the contest, and to assert our rights as freemen through the muscles* of our muskets and at the points of our swords. We passed some heavy and mortal shots at the enemy, which were returned with equal fierceness and more deadly effect. During the heat of the battle, the iron hail pouring in torrents upon our devoted heads, a ball struck me in the breast, but being well nigh spent, it providentially did no other damage than raise a blood blister. We stayed at Savannah about seven weeks, and then returned to South Carolina, under the command of General Bull.

Having now become greatly attached to the army, in April, 1776, I enlisted in the regular service at Fort Littleton, Beaufort District, commanded by that brave and sagacious officer, Captain William Harden. There were about eighty-five men stationed at Fort Littleton, and I am the only one now remaining of that number. The greater part of the rest, through the fortunes of war, left their bones bleaching upon the battle plains: the few who survived the ravages of war, have long since fallen beneath the cold and relentless hand of death.

In July, 1777, I left Captain Harden, but immediately joined Colonel James Thompson's detachment on Pipe Creek. While stationed there, I accompanied Captain John Mumford, and a few choice fellows, upon an expedition to Georgia, to take a guard commanded by Captain Mott, a Tory, near Hutson's Ferry. We thought to surprise them; but, through some unaccountable means, they had discovered our intentions sometime before we reached the house where they were barricaded, and smugly encasing themselves, were prepared for our attack, and kept us at bay by firing at us through their portholes. The enemy, from their favorable position, could single out our men with deadly aim.

During the engagement, I screened myself behind a tree, with the twofold object of protecting myself from danger and taking deliberate aim at the enemy. Whilst in the act of shooting, a ball from the fort struck the tree just above my head, and dashed the bark into my face. I was rather cautious how I projected my head again beyond the necessary limits, as our Captain was most severely wounded in the knee, and John Booth mortally, of which he soon died, we gathered our wounded in blankets, and returned to South Carolina, to Colonel Thompson’s camps. When Charleston fell into the hands of the British, under the command of sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot, Captain Munford, in attempting to make his way to the American Army, was attacked at Morris’ Ford, Salkahatchie, by old Ben John and his gang of Tories. In this encounter the poor fellow lost his life, and a truer patriot and braver soldier never fell. He now sleeps at the foot of a large pine, on the left hand side of the main road to Barnwell Court House, a few rods south of the bridge, just at turn of the road from which you can see the bridge.
A short time after these misfortunes, being stung to the quick at our recent defeat and irretrievable loss, and thirsting for justice, a company of fifty horse, led by Colonel Thompson and Major Bourguoin, sallied forth on a second expedition to take the formidable Captain Mott and his allies. In this instance, fortune favored us. I took part of the company, and went between the house and swamp. Our approach was so quiet and unexpected by the Tories that, making a chargeupon them, they, without the least effort to defend themselves, surrendered. Taking our prisoners, we returned in triumph to our headquarters, and from thence they were sent to Charleston under a strong guard.

After this capture of Captain Mott and his band of Tories, I continued with Captain Thompson but a short time. Leaving him, in conjunction with Joshua Inman and John Green, I raised a company of horse, which we called the "Rangers", with the view of scouting those sections of the country adjacent to the Savannah River, both in Georgia and South Carolina, as occasion required. Our station was at Cracker’s Neck, S.C. Whilst there, our rude boys would go out in the back swamp and frolic with the inhabitants, and from the great quantity of pinders they saw among them, said they would give it the name of Pinder Town, by which name it has gone ever since, as it is not well known by the name of "Pinder Town." During our stay at Cracker’s Neck, we took two trips to Sunsburry, Midway Settlement, Georgia, under the command of General Pickens and Twiggs. We had a fight with the British and Tories on Ogeechee Causeway; but not much damage was sustained on either side.

In one of our trips to Midway, a young man by the name of Richardson went ahead of us for the purpose of advising the enemy of our approach, but there lived a Mr. Cooper upon the road, directly in our route, who had a pretty daughter named Jane; and it was well known that young Richardson was in love with Miss Jane, and we suspected that he would call in to see her; so I selected a few men, and by a shorter route between the house and the swamp, intercepted him. He was, as we conjectured, at Cooper’s and as soon as he heard the approach of our men, he ran out - we fired upon him and left him dead. Cooper ran into the old field, but we sent a few shots after him. one of which entered his heel and stopped him (I think the distance was nearly two hundred yards) - we brought him to the house, and left him with his family.

In our two trips to Georgia, we made a road in it, which since has become a public road, and is now called the "Rebel Road." Georgia, at this time, was completely in the hands of the British and Tories. They often crossed the river, and killed and plundered the Whigs without mercy. On one occasion I visited my father and the family, with the view of remaining with them all night. On arriving at home, I was pleased to find my brother-inlaw, John Joice, and a friend from Augusta there, on a visit for a short time, for the times were now dangerous, the Tories having threatened my life and the life of one of my brothers. I felt that in case that we were attacked, they might render us essential service. And it so came to pass that on this very night they came to put into execution their threat. It was about midnight when they arrived. I was sleeping in the hall, and was awakened by the barking of the dogs. In a few minutes I was brought to my feet by a loud rap at the door. I asked, "Who’s there"? Several voices together replied "Friends", and said that they were from Sister’s Ferry, General Lincoln’s Army — that their term of enlistment had expired, and that they were now on their way home, — were greatly fatigued from traveling, and would like to remain with us during the night. I expressed to them my regret at our inability to accommodate them, as our house was filled with company. After a few minutes secret deliberation, they asked for a torch of fire, and said they would go to Brier’s Creek and encamp. I felt disposed to accommodate them as far as practicable, yet I had some misgivings with regard to the truth of the statement they had made; but recollecting that the militia were about to be discharged at that point, my doubts were in a great measure removed. I, therefore, opened the door and handed them a light, but, as if directed by a supernatural agency, I instantly closed it again, and looking through the crack above the door, I could distinctly see what passed among my friends without, by the light of their torch, and to my astonishment I found them to be Tories. Hear judge of the narrow escape I made. With what ease they could have put an end to my existence, entered our abode and massacred all within, ere we could have been aroused to a sense of our danger. Coming to the door a second time, they asked for water. I had now discovered the true object of their mission, arid was upon my guard. Having made the door doubly fast, I told them in a repulsive tone they might get it out of the well in the yard. This exasperated them exceedingly, and with loud voices they denounced me, father, and all the family, threatening to visit vengeance upon the whole household, and with fiendish fury and united strength endeavored to burst the door from its hinges; but finding that they could not, the endeavored to shoot me through the crack (it being a log house, as before mentioned), and they had a tolerable fair chance to do so, as the door of the room in which my father and family lay was open, and the light shining through it from the room into the hall where I was. They fired four or five times, but missed me and killed my little brother, who was aroused by the noise. By this time we had gathered our arms, and they made off some little distance from the house, still firing, but to no effect. We were well supplied with power and ball, and if they had been men and stood their ground like soldiers (and not have skulked off into the dark as all cowards and villains do when there is an opportunity offered to fight on equal grounds), we would soon have given them what they richly deserved. I have good reason to be thankful to Almighty God for his kind care and protection of me through so many dangers. I can plainly discern a divine interposition in my deliverance from the hands of those prowling murderers and plunderers.

A few months subsequent to this period, I withdrew from the "Rangers" at Cracker’s Neck, and connected myself with a company of militia keeping guard at Burton’s Ferry. We exchanged shots almost every day with the British and Tories, who were on the opposite side (Georgia). A man moved over and joined our party, who said he had buried three jugs of rum at Hershman’s Lake, and designated the spot. One of our number (Benjamin Green) said he knew the place, having once lived in the vicinity of the lake; so being in the right humor for an exploit, we soon devised, and put into execution a plan for visiting the premises. Benjamin Green, Henry Best, John Colding and myself took a small canoe and proceeded down King Creek to Savannah River; while we were moving up the stream of the river, with every prospect of success in our enterprise, a gang of Tories numbering thirty-five suddenly appeared upon the bank, where they had been lying in ambush, awaiting our approach. they hailed us, swearing that if we did not come to and surrender, they would kill every one of us. But we had too much knowledge of these rascals and their duplicity to be decoyed in that manner, and to trust ourselves to their clemency. We well knew that if we submitted, would be the inevitable consequence, and, therefore, preferred risking our chances in the little canoe, as there was a possibility of evading their shot. Immediately turning our boat’s head, with our united strength we urged her forward toward the opposite shore. At this instant they commenced a heavy firing at us. Best was soon wounded, and instantly leaped into the water, and clung to the side of the canoe. Colding also received several wounds, which disabled him from further assistance, so he laid down in the canoe, and Green by his side. All hopes of success seemed now centered in myself; with the rapidity of thought, I seized the best paddle, seated myself in the stern of the canoe, and moved her forward with astonishing celerity, reaching in a few minutes the land. Whilst paddling, I felt an acute sensation across the back of my neck and shoulders. On reaching the shore, I examined myself, and found that they had put three balls through my clothes, two of which had slightly scarified my flesh. Returning to the ferry, we severally recovered from our wounds, but never felt again a disposition to repeat our expedition. Poor Best and Colding had scarcely entered upon duty again before they were both killed by some of these very Tories.

On one occasion I was under the necessity of going home on some important business. Soon after my arrival, a company of horse passed directly in front of our residence. My first impression concerning them was that they were a reinforcement of our guard at the ferry. So soon as I had finished my business, I returned with all possible speed, overjoyed at the prospect of an accession to our members. On reaching the fort, to my astonishment, I found it completely evacuated. My reinforcement turned out to be a gang of Tories from Jackson’s Branch, on the Salkahatchie, commanded by that famous old Tory, Ned Williams. When they rode up to the ferry, the guard took them to be friends, and gave them a cordial reception, congratulating themselves upon so large an addition to their force. They then unconsciously and ignorantly delivered themselves up to the enemy, and were taken across the river and placed in the hands of a large body of British and Tories, stationed at Harbard’s store, about two miles from the ferry. The intelligence of this capture reached Colonel Leroy Hammond of Augusta, who, without delay, marched down at the head of an effective force, and slew nearly the whole of the enemy, releasing and returning the Whig captives to Augusta, from whence my father, who was one among the number taken, came safely home.

The country now seemed to be almost in complete subjugation to the British. Yet had they not been aided and abetted by those unprincipled and bloodthirsty tools, those ‘fiends incarnate, who it were a base slander to term men," I say, had the Tories but shown themselves the genuine sons of America - the uncompromising, unswerving, champions of liberty, bound together by every social and national tie - the enemy would never have gained a solid foothold upon our shores, and tyranny and oppression would sooner have been swept from our lands. But how sadly the reverse! They who had grown up "side by side, and hand in hand, together", father, son, and brother, were arrayed in mortal and ferocious strife against each other. The friends of liberty were beset on every hand, and from every quarter, until drawn from their homes and families, with stout hearts and strong arms, they struck
"For their altars and their fires,
God, and their native land".
Eternal vigilance and action were indispensable, by which, and with firm reliance on the God of battles, they fought, bled, and conquered.

It was seldom, indeed, that I sought the peaceful shades of my home, as a respite from the laborious duties and toils of the service. The enchantments of the family circle exercised an almost uncontrollable influence over the hearts and minds of men, and yet sweet as are the voices of those we love, and strongly as do cling our heartstrings around the objects of our affections, appealing to our sympathies in loud and soul-stirring language, still louder and more imperative is the call of our country to duty, and the soldier rushed precipitately from the charms and delights of the family circle to the call of his country, his heart burning with patriotic zeal for glory.
Such was the state of things at this crisis, and such was the fire which burned in the breast of every Whig of the Revolution. It was no time for supineness and lamentation - every energy of the soul had to be exercised, for it was the struggle of weakness against strength, of the undisciplined against the disciplined, and of the raw and untutored militia of an infant country with the well trained regulars of an old, experiences, and skillful nation.

With these truths impressed upon my mind, I allowed myself little or no leisure time, and was either engaged in the performance of duty in the camp, or scouting, as circumstances required. A short time after the capture of our guard at the ferry, I accompanied Colonel McCoy, who took command of a small force on a trip to the Ogeechee River, in Georgia, with a view of attacking a little band of Tories quartered in that vicinity. These we overtook in the woods, before arriving at the rendezvous; a running fight ensued, but from the denseness of the forest we were thwarted in our design, and the Tories made good their escape, for, if my memory serves me correctly, not one of them was killed. Thus frustrated and baffled, we returned to Carolina, On our arrival, we learnt that Captain James Roberts, who had been scouting with a company on the Edisto River, had (whilst encamping for the night, by some treachery of the Tories) been delivered into the hands of Colonels Chaney and Williams, who cruelly butchered many of his men, Captain Roberts and the rest escaping only with their lives. For this outrage we determined to have satisfaction. So thirty-six men, myself among the number, immediately volunteered under Captain Joseph Vince, a fine officer and a brave soldier, to pursue these scoundrels, and to avenge the blood of our brace comrades. We overtook some of their number in what is called the "Fork of Edisto River", upon whom we visited summary and immediate justice, killing five or six. From thence we proceeded to Captain Salley’s "Cowpens," a few miles distant. Whilst there our commander rode, unaccompanied, to a mill located near the house of the Pens. Here he was fired upon by several Tories lying in ambush hard by and seriously wounded by musket shot - in consequence of which he was disabled from doing duty for some time. This unfortunate circumstance interrupting our further march, we were compelled to retrace our steps and return to headquarters, Savannah River.

At this time my father’s family lived at the Big House, now belonging to Colonel Hay, of the Boiling Springs, and a man by the name of Adam Wood lived a near neighbor to them, with whom I formed an acquaintance and and entered into an agreement with, that in the event either of our families were attacked, we should render each other every assistance in our power. But a short time elapsed from the period of said agreement before a band of Tories, passing through that section at night, stopped at Wood’s house, killed him, and commenced a general work of destruction, laying waste everything which chanced to be in their way. I distinctly heard the uproar and the firing of arms, and from the direction I knew Wood was attacked. Having retired for the night, I immediately arose, and in company with three other set out for the seat of action. When within a few yards of the house, observing their large and overwhelming numbers, I deemed it prudent to secrete ourselves by the roadside until they had passed. We lay concealed but a few minutes, when, having completed their work of death and desolation, the whole part rode by, two deep. As they passed I counted them, and they numbered one hundred and fifty, headed by those notorious scoundrels, robbers, and murderers, who defeated the gallant Roberts on the Edisto, as before stated, Chaney and Williams. They now made their way for the "Big House", but apparently pressed for time, and finding no one at home (my father’s family having taken the precaution, during my absence, to remove therefrom), they proceeded on their course towards Captain Vince’s station, on Savannah River. Believing that they intended an attack upon the fort, I suggested to John Cave, one of my companions, that we had better set out forthwith, and, if possible, beat them, and apprise Captain Vince of his danger. So mounting our fastest horses, we sallied forth with all possible speed, and after considerable difficulty, threading our way through the swamps, we arrived at the fort just before the break of day. I requested the sentinel to inform the Captain that I had important intelligence to communicate to him, and desire as quick an interview as possible. The Captain returned an answer that he was sick and confined to his bed. I replied that I could take no excuse, sick or well, he must come out directly. This authoritative command brought him forth immediately. I then related to him what had transpired at the Big House, of the enemy’s numbers, and of his approach towards that garrison, advising him, at the same time, to evacuate the fort as soon as possible, unless he felt assured of his safety, and of his being able successfully to contend against so formidable a body, tendering, at the same time, our assistance. He stated to us that his force consisted but of twenty-five men, expressed great doubts of his ability to defend himself against such a numerous enemy, and thought it policy to adopt my suggestion to leave the fort, which was agreed on, and in a few minutes the fort was left to the mercy of the enemy, who in the course of one hour afterwards made a charge upon it with his full force, confidently expecting a prize; but instead of a prize they had the sore mortification to find that their deep laid scheme and hellish design on this occasion was completely baffled.

From this point they turned towards their headquarters, on Edisto. In crossing the Lower Three Runs, they stopped at the house of a Mr. Collins, a very quiet and inoffensive man, and for advanced in years, say about eighty-five. Whatever may have been the sentiments of this old gentleman, he maintained a strictly neutral position, shouldering arms on neither side; yet those fiends of darkness dispatched him, and his head as white as snow by the frost of many winters, for an eternal world, flow could these monsters in human shape dream of prospering, when murdering the aged and inoffensive in this horrid and brutal manner - and why all this bloodshed? Because the honest Whigs of the Revolution, knowing full well the rights of man, and daring to maintain them, refused to be galled by the servile chains of a foreign despot, and to bow submissively to his barbarous imposition. It was this which inspired them with invincible fortitude and zeal, and enabled them to throw off the yoke, and to declare themselves "free, sovereign, and independent".

I continued scouting both in Georgia and Carolina with very little intermission until the British, under Sir Henry Clinton, took Charleston, with General Lincoln’s Army of 4,000 men, in 1780 - the intelligence of which threw the whole State into consternation and alarm. Our stronghold, with the major part of the army, and those poor deluded wretches, the Tories, by this success of their allies at Charleston, seemed urged on with renewed impetuosity in their cruel and diabolical purpose. And dark indeed were the prospects of the friends of liberty about this juncture; despair was depicted in every countenance; our sun because obscured, and seemed ready to go down to rise no more, and the bird of liberty appeared as if taking its parting gaze of the fertile and flowery region over which it had hovered to plant the tree of liberty - beneath whose bowers the dispersed and oppressed of all nations might find an asylum.
What now to do I knew not. It appeared like madness to remain longer, surrounded by an overwhelming foe, liable at any moment to be butchered without mercy; and to flee the country as almost equally trying - many were pursuing the latter expedient, leaving for other sections where danger was less threating and where hostilities had scarcely opened. And my brother, Bartlett Brown, and myself thought it advisable for us to pursue the same course, so we returned to Virginia, our native State. In consequence of the scarcity of clothing during the war, we were poorly clad, and in bad condition to set out on a journey of five hundred miles, and that too, with but the paltry sum of three dollars in our pockets to defray our expenses. On reaching the "Ridge", about seventy miles from home, our little party had augmented to the number of sixty or seventy, all fleeing the country with the same object in view as ourselves. Journeying onward we arrived at Fishing Creek, where we encamped a day or two, not wishing to progress too rapidly for fear of overtaking a detachment of British Calvary under Colonel Tarleton, who we learned had been sent by Lord Cornwallis to attack Colonel Buford, and had surprised and defeated him at the Waxhaws, and were on their line of march through Charlotte, North Carolina, which lay directly in our route. Whilst encamped at Fishing Creek, a fellow by the name of Mobley, an Tory, came into our camp as a spy.

This fellow was so inquisitive, and so particular in examining everybody and everything about the premise, that our suspicions were very much excited in regard to his true character. We, however, suffered him to depart unmo1ested. And afterwards we learned that he returned to the encampment at the head of a large gang of Tories, with view to capture us, but we anticipated his design and escaped from his clutches, being at the distance of fifteen or twenty miles when he made his charge upon the tents. Continuing onward we arrived in sight of Charlotte, when we again encamped, remaining several days. Here many of our party separated from us for different routes, reducing our number to about thirty.
The citizens of Charlotte dispatched a messenger to us, praying that in the event that the British, who were marching towards that quarter, attacked the town we would render them assistance. This we promised to do, provided they would furnish us with ammunition, our supply being almost exhausted. On the return of their messenger they sent us a keg of power and lead in proportion. But at the expiration of three days, waiting for the anticipated attack, the citizens of Charlotte informed us that the enemy had gone back. We then "struck our tents" and resumed our march, taking with us the ammunition sent to us by the citizens of Charlotte, which served as in place of money, as we could barter it for bacon and corn at the mills we passed on. Throughout the rest of our journey nothing of importance transpired.
We reached our place of destination in Virginia, our mother country, all safe and sound. Shortly after our arrival there, intelligence was received that depredations and outrages to an alarming extent had been perpetrated in South Carolina, particularly in our own district. The substance of which was that McGeart and his company of Tories crossed the Savannah River from Georgia, at Summerlin’s Ferry (now called Stone’s Ferry), taking the course of the river, and killing every man he met who had not sworn allegiance to the King. This notorious scoundrel passed in this trip through the neighborhood where my father lived, and brutally murdered seventeen of the inhabitants, among whom were my father, Henry Best, and Moore, leaving John Cave for dead, who afterwards recovered. They burnt my father’s house level with the ground, and destroyed everything he possessed — my mother and sisters escaping by fleeing to the woods, in which they concealed themselves until the vile wretches departed. But the work of death did not stop here. This atrocious deed of the sanguinary McGeart and his band was shortly succeeded by another equally cruel, nay, doubly cruel. The British Colonel Brown marched down from Augusta with an overwhelming force of Tories and Indians, and taking their stand at "Wiggins’ Hill", commenced a slaughter of the inhabitants. The news of which reached the ears of those brave and dauntless officers, Colonels. McCoy and Harden, who soon hastened to the defense of the terrified Whigs. and coming upon the enemy, charged upon them and killed and routed them to a man, Colonel Brown escaping to the woods. Colonels McCoy and Harden, having accomplished all that was required of them, retired from the field of action, after which Brown returned with the residue of his force and retook the "Hill", at which he remained until he hung five or our brave fellows - Briton Williams, Charles Blunt, and Abraham Smith, the names of the other two not recollected - then he decamped for Augusta. My brother and myself were now in Virginia, among our relations and friends, and would have been as happy as we desired, had it not been for the intelligence from South Carolina, particularly of the section we had left. Hearing that the British, Tories and Indians had murdered our father and sixteen more of his neighbors, burning to ashes his house and all within it, our mother and sisters escaping to the woods, with little or nothing to support upon, and no male friend to help them, my blood boiled within my veins, and my soul thirsted for vengeance.

We now learnt that General Washington had sent an army to the South, under the command of General Gates and Baron DeKalb, and we determined forthwith to set out for the seat of strife we had left. In our journey we passed Anson Court House, NC, which we found to be a hot bed of Tories. Colonel Wade and his company were stationed there, and the Tories were flocking in and rallying under him from all quarters. On the day of our arrival there, a large gang came in, headed by a fellow who doubtless thought he was doing great things for the King and his servile subjects. My mind could not revolve upon their delusion, and the little value they set upon the rich gems of liberty and independence, with which the Whigs were so enamored, and for which they so hard struggled. It has often been a matter of astonishment to me how we escaped the swarm of Tories at Anson Court House. But so it is, we did, and being eager to accomplish our journey and lose no time, we traveled through long chilling rains, it being in the fall season, exposing our selves to imminent danger, for the fever raged with great mortality at that time in that region of the country. While at Anson Court House a fellow endeavored to prevail upon us to stay all night with him, but from his suspicious appearance we declined his invitation, and declared our intention to pursue our route, notwithstanding the storm that was raging. On that night, as well as on several preceding ones, we took shelter under large trees in the swamp, our clothes being as wet as water could make them, and our bodies almost chilled through. In the morning it cleared off, and we pursued our journey.

Overtaking General Marion at "Kingstree", Black River, SC, we immediately united with his troops. Marion’s route lay then between the Santee and Little Peedee Rivers; arid being desirous to intercept and defeat Colonel Watts, who was then marching at the head of four hundred men, between Camden and Georgetown, every arrangement and preparation was made to carry into execution his design. All things being now ready, Colonel Watts appeared in sight at the head of his large force, and as they marched down the road with great show and magnificence (hoping no doubt, to terrify and conquer the country), they spied us; at which time the British horse sallied forth to surround us; General Marion, with his characteristic shrewdness and sagacity, discovered their maneuvers, anticipated their object, and retreated to the woods, some four or five hundred yards, and prepared for them. In a few moments they came dashing up, expecting to find us all in confusion and disorder, but to their astonishment, we were ready for the attack, and perceiving this, they called a halt, at which time General Marion and Colonel lorry ordered a charge. Colonel Horry stammered badly, and on this occasion he leaned forward, spurred his horse, waved his sword, and ran fifty or sixty yards, endeavoring to utter the word Charge, and finding he could not, balled out, "Damn it, boys, you, you know what I mean, go on"!

We were then doing what we could, pressing with all rapidity to the strife, and before the British could get back to the main body, we slew a goodly number of them. Being eager to do all the damage we could, we pursued the fellows very close to the line of the main body, and as soon as they got in, Colonel Watts began to thunder his cannon at us, and to tear down the limbs and branches of the tree, which fell about us like hail, but did no damage than to wound one of our men, Natt Huston, and one horse slightly. General Marion now finding his force, which consisted only of two hundred men (though sterling to a man, brave, fearless, and patriotic), was too small to give Colonel Watts open battle, guarded the bridges and swamps in his route, and annoyed and killed his men as they passed.

For prudence sake, General Marion never encamped over two nights in one place, unless at a safe distance from the enemy. He generally commenced the line of march about sunset, continuing through the greater part of the night. By this policy he was enabled effectually to defeat the plans of the British and to strengthen his languishing cause. For while the one army was encamping and resting in calm and listless security, not dreaming of danger, the other, taking advantage of opportunity, and advancing through the sable curtains of the night unobserved. often effectually vanquished and routed their foes. It was from the craftiness and ingenuity of General Marion, the celerity with which he moved from post to post, that his enemies gave to him the significant appellation of the "Swamp Fox." Upon him depended almost solely the success of the provincial Army of South Carolina, and the sequel has proven how well he performed the trust reposed in him. His genuine love of country and liberty, and his unwearied vigilance and invincible fortitude, coupled with the eminent success which attended him through his brilliant career, has endeared him to the hearts of his countrymen, and the memory of his deeds of valor shall never slumber so long as there is a Carolinian to speak his panegyric.

The heavy rains which prevailed at this time and inundated the country to a considerable extent, proved very favorable to General Marion. He now set a detachment of seventy men, my self one of that number, across the Santee, to attack the enemy stationed at "Scott’s Lake" and "Monk’s Corner". We crossed the river at night in a small boat, commanded by Captains James and John Postell, dividing our forces into two companies, each consisting of thirty-five men. Captain James Postell took one company and proceeded to "Scott’s Lake", but ascertaining the strength of the army, and finding the place too well fortified to warrant an attack, he abandoned the project and returned again to the river, and waited the arrival of Captain John Postell, who, in the meantime, had marched with the other company to "Monk’s Corner". It was my good fortune to accompany the latter. Just about the break of day we charged upon the enemy, and our appearance was so sudden and unexpected that they had not time even to fire a single gun. We took thirty-three prisoners, found twenty odd hogsheads of old spirits, and a large supply of provisions. The former we destroyed, but returned with the latter and our prisoners to the army on the Santee. The news of our attack on "Monk’s Corner" having reached the enemy at "Scott’s Lake", they forthwith marched to their assistance, but arrived too late to extend any - we had captured their comrades, bursted their hogsheads of spirits, gathered their provisions, and decamped before their arrival. Captain James Postell, being apprised of their march to assist their friends at "Monk’s Corner," returned to the fort, set fire to it, and burned it level to the ground.

Shortly after this circumstance one of our most efficient officers, Colonel Harden (whom I have before mentioned as having had an important engagement with Brown’s men at "Wiggin’s Hill"), joined the army under General Marion, as also did Major Snipes, who had recently made a miraculous escape from the Tories through the faithfulness of his negro man, Cudjo. Major Snipes related the whole circumstance to me, and displayed the blisters upon his body, occasioned by the intense heat of the flames from the house set on fire by the Tories as he lay concealed in a brier patch close by, a particular account of which may be seen in Horry’s Life of General Marion.

On the 1st day of April, 1780, I left General Marion on the Big Peedee River, in company with eighty others, forming a detachment under the command of Colonel Harden and Barker, and Major John Cooper. The two last mentioned officers were from Midway settlement, Georgia. There were also several other brave and energetic men who rendered themselves conspicuous in the war in our detachment, Fountin Stewart, Robert Salley, the Sharpes and Goldings, from Georgia. Our route lay by the "Four Holes’. Crossing the Edisto at Givham’s Ferry, we fell in with a man who assisted Brown in hanging the five brave fellows at "Wiggin’s Hill". We gave him his due, and left his body at the disposal of the birds and wild beasts. Pursuing our march, we came to "Red Hill", within about two miles of Patterson’s Bridge, Salkahachie, It was now in the night, but the moon being full strength, and not a cloud to darken her rays, it was most as bright as day. Near this place were stationed a body of Tories, commanded by Captain Baron. They were desperate fellows, killing, plundering and robbing the inhabitants without mercy or feeling, A company of men, commanded by Major Cooper, were now sent to see what they could do with those murderers. In a few minutes after their departure we heard them fighting, which continued for nearly one hour, when Major Cooper returned and told us he had killed the greater part of them, with but the loss of one man, John Steward, from Georgia.

We then proceeded on for Pocataligo. Soon after we left Red Hill we entered upon a long, high causeway; a man came meeting us and told us Colonel Fenwick, with the British horse, were marching on just behind. We paid no attention to him not knowing who he was, but went ahead; however, we did not go many rods before the advance parties met and hailed each other - a charge now ordered on both sides, and we directly came together on the causeway, so a fight was inevitable, and at it we went like bull dogs. The British at length made their way through, though they found it tough work in doing so. We put one of their men to his final sleep on the causeway, and wounded eight more badly, one of whom they had to leave on the road. They wounded one of our men, Captain James Moore, in thirteen places, though very slightly, and two others who never laid up for their wounds.

We now lay by for two or three days, and then marched for the fort at Pocataligo. When we came in sight of it, I took thirteen of the best mounted men to survey the premise, and to lead them out if possible. When we had got within about two hundred yards of Bambifer’s house, where the British had deposited their wounded, I saw a negro run in the house, and immediately I saw several men running for the fort; we struck spurs to our horses, and soon came up with them and took them prisoners. When we had gotten them to our company, we found them to be Colonels Fennick and Leachmore, who had been out to see their wounded. When we arrived at the fort, we had not the smallest hope of taking it, but now finding we had two of their most efficient officers, (Major Andrew Devo the only one in the fort), Colonels Harden and Baker sent a flag in form them to give up the fort. When the flag was passing by Colonel Fennick, he asked what that meant. On being told it was for them to surrender the fort, he ripped and swore, and hoped "that if they did surrender it, they might all be in hell before the morrow",
After deliberation in the fort for the space of two hours, they all marched out, well armed, tied their horses to what was then called "Abatis," advanced some little distance from the fort, and formed a line. We then marched between them and the fort and took them prisoners - they having one hundred and ten men and we eighty. If all the men in the fort had been brace and true to their cause, I don’t think one thousand men could have taken them, for the fort was advantageously located and well fortified, approachable only at three points, all of which were well guarded by a deep creek and cannons. Part of the men in the fort were as good Whigs as we had - Colonel Stafford, Colonel Davis, Captains Felts and Green, whose son was with us, also others. We now paroled the prisoners and sent them to Charleston, then burnt the house and leveled the fort with the ground. Next day Colonel McCoy, who had been outlaying, came down to us, and my brother, Bartlett and myself left Colonel Haren and came off with him. On our way we called in at old Mr. Hext’s, at Coosawhatchie, the father of the late Lawrence Hext, of the Boiling Springs, Beaufort District. After we left Mr. Hext’s and had progressed some distance, a young man behind us, named Wald, whose horse was jaded and traveled slowly, met Ned Williams with a gang of Tories, who asked him who those were that turned up the lane. He told them that is was Colonel McCoy and his company, and that the fort at Pocataligo was taken. They then broke for the Salkahatchie. Wald now came up and told us the circumstance, and we immediately pushed after them, and followed them into the Salkahatchie Swamp, but could not overtake them. We returned, got dinner, and encamped that night near the water pond, on the side next to Captain John Carter’s Boiling Springs, in a pine thicket, an little below the springs. Next morning we went up to the "Big House" now belonging to Colonel Hay, and there found those of my father’s family that the Tories and Indians had left, who we had not seen before for twelve months. To describe the joy of that meeting in inexpressible; we now behold some of those, who were endeared to us by the strongest ties of nature, whom we never expected to see again this side of eternity’s ocean, thinking that they had fallen victims to the awful storm of war which had been, and was then, raging. Here we could have remained with them, and gladly toiled and labored for their comfort and happiness, but such was our country’s great demand for service, we could only stay a few moments with them.

Bidding them farewell, with no hope of meeting them again, we marched for the seige of Augusta. On our way up, we learned that Colonel Brown’s (a Tory) boats were going up the Savannah River. We went in pursuit of them, and attacked them about opposite the place of the late Stephen Smith, of Savannah River, but they got on the Georgia side, and we could do nothing with them. From this we marched to Augusta, where we met Generals Pickens and Twiggs, and commenced the work of extermination. The first attack that we made was on the fort at Silver Bluff, now the property of Governor Hammond, of South Carolina. Brown’s boats had now arrived, and stowed away their goods in the fort. The British not being willing to yield without a struggle, we stove a cannon ball through the brick house in the fort, and they immediately marched out and surrendered, for fear we would serve them the like trick.
The next fort we attacked was that commanded by the wretched Grason, at the upper end of town, This we soon stormed and took - Captain Alexander shooting Grason for his villainous conduct in the country. Some made their escape from us by fleeing to Brown’s fort, near the river. Before we laid siege to Brown’s fort, a fellow by the name of Rutherford (a villain withal) took a company and slipped out in the night down the river, opposite Beach Island, and just at the break of day surprised our horse guard. It being in the bend of the river, the British and Tories got round them, and having a superior force, our men took to the river, but they killed several of our brave fellows while they were swimming, some making their escape - my brother Bartlett Brown, was one among that number. We heard of their trip after our guard, and pushed to cut them off, but were too late by a few momentarily, for as we got within one hundred and fifty yards on the lane, we saw them enter. A few moments sooner, and we would have fixed them smugly.

We now commanded the siege of Brown’s fort. In taking this fort, we had great difficulty. We raised a platform fifteen or twenty feet high, and mounted a cannon upon it, and from thence fired at them in the fort. In this way we destroyed a good many of them, but finding we were too hard for them in this way, and to screen themselves from the thunder and lightning of our platform, they dug several caves in the sides of the walls of the fort and crawled into them, We then continued the entrenchment, and as we entrenched, we rolled up cowhides and placed them on the embankment for portholes to shoot through. One morning I was standing next to young Stafford, who was about to shoot through one of our portholes, and there came a ball from the fort and killed him dead. Young Stafford was with me in General Marion’s Army, and he was, indeed, a brave and patriotic fellow, and dying in freedom’s cause, his memory should never fade from our recollection. Before Brown would surrender, we entrenched so near his fort that I ran a hoe-halve from the entrenchment into the fort. On finding we were so near upon him, he marched out and surrendered with all his force and goods. Brown had been such a desperate fellow, there existed great anxiety to kill him; but as he came under capitulation, we had not chance to do so at this time, but I determined to do so on his way down the river. I took a few brave fellows, and slipped down the river to carry into execution my determination, but he made his escape, through the shades of the night, in a small canoe.

When we commenced the siege of Augusta it was the 1st of April, 1781; when we closed it was the 1st of the ensuing August. Having labored so hard and incessantly to dig Brown out of his fort, I concluded when I had done so to take a peep into it, but it was a sore peep to me, as I took the small-pox from it. I now went home very sick, and as none of our family had ever had it, I had to take to the woods - so I retreated back of the Big House to an old field, next to the swamp, under a large oak tree. The weather being very hot I suffered intensely. While there I employed Peggy Ogleby to be my nurse. This slut was a Tory, and informed her clan where I was. They said they would come and kill the d--n rebel, but as I had an invisible and Almighty Protector, they had not the power to execute their malicious design. If I am not mistaken, the period I lay under that oak was forty days. When I recovered I joined Major Cooper, at Beech Island, and we continued scouting until the end of the war, in December 1782. I then returned home, but the British and Tories had nearly destroyed everything we possessed. My mother lived but a short time after the close of the war, and the estate she left each child was thirty-nine pounds ten shillings, sterling.

Although the war had closed, the Tories were still troublesome, plundering and occasionally killing the inhabitants. The foremost scoundrels in this diabolical work were John Black, Zekiel Maulfers, Lark Loudon, and two others, whose names I will not mention as they have relations in the country, who could not help what they did, These fellows murdered a good man at Cherry Hill, Georgia, for which John Black and the two whose names are not mentioned, were killed and hung at Savannah; the other two, the worst of the clan, made their escape to Carolina, where they murdered and plundered until the citizens were afraid to travel the roads, day or night. Finding the Whigs were upon the lookout for them, they stole Judge Raywood’s match horses and five negroes, and horses from various persons, and started for the Western country.

I heard of their crossing the ridge and being unwilling they should escape with impunity, I got three other men, Richard Simmons, Gill Thomas, and Benjamin Brown, and put out after them. We pursued them into East Tennessee - over Watorger, we came upon them and took them prisoners. It was now in the month of January, and extremely cold; the snow was on the ground two feet deep, and withal, I had the measles very badly. What to do I hardly knew. I concluded, however, to risk the consequences, and bidding farewell to these cold and frozen regions, I began to retrace my steps with my prisoners and their plunder. We crossed the Watorger on the ice, and when we had gotten on the Yellow Mountains, it snowed again and freesed the top, so that passage through it was very difficult, We had to force our way by changing the foremost horse every hundred yards. Just as we got to the turn in the mountain, night overtook us, so we encamped for the night, building our fire out of the chestnut limbs on the snow. Next morning we came down to the foot of the mountains to one Samuel Bright, and got a little dry pumpkin for our breakfast, the people having little or nothing else to eat. Having so many prisoners, horses and negroes, our funds now ran out, so we had to sell what we could spare to defray expenses.
We now came to Pad Bryant’s, where these runaways had left one of Judge Haywood’s horses, which we got, and tarried all night. It was indeed a dark and rainy night, and the prisoners thought to take advantage of us by it, so they framed an excuse to go out. Being handcuffed and tied, I apprehended no danger, but I took one of my company along with me, They had unperceived, loosed the rope under the blankets. It was in an old field, on the slant of a hill, and when we had gotten out they started to run down the hill. My gun being loaded with buck-shot, I fired at one of them and struck one shot in his ankle, his foot being up in the crack of the gun, the shot run up into the calf of his leg, but it did not bring him to the ground. Being young and active, I now threw my guy down and pushed after him, and just as I was about to take hold of him I struck a stump, which knocked me over, but I soon recovered from my fall, and put out after him again; and, as before, just as I was about to take him a second time, I ran upon the second stump, which threw me clean over. I now gave up the chase, as by this time he had gotten too far. Next morning I had a curiosity to examine the ground I had run over after these fellows, and I found but the single two stumps in the way - they had just missed them and I run over both. We now went in pursuit of these villains, when we soon came upon one, and taking him, Simmons put an end to his existence; the other was taken the next day, and put in the 96th District prison. When we had gotten home we sent for him, and he was carried to Beaufort, where there were seven indictments against him. He was tried, condemned and hung.

On the delivery of Judge Haywood’s horses to him, he gave me twenty-five guineas, not only for his horses, but also for putting a stop to the outrages of these villains. The other persons whose property we brought back gave us five guineas apiece, and the public gave us twenty-five pounds sterling.
Some time after the close of these things, I married and settled myself between the San Hill and Cedar branches, waters of the Lower Three Runs, Barnwell District. On each of these streams I build mills, and from the mills, between which I lived, I have my place the name of "Fork Mills". The mills are now owned by Major Wm. H. Peyton, my son-in-law. From this place I moved to Boiling Springs, where I have lived and enjoyed fine health for many years, and where I expect to die, if I die at home. I have followed the delightful business of farming ever since the close of the war, and the Lord has been pleased to grant me enough of the good things of this life to keep me free from want down to the present moment.

1 comment:

UnknownAugust 28, 2014 at 10:18 AM
Tom, I'd like to thank you for providing this blog and the information on it. I, myself am a Reed and am finding out much about my family's....er, our family's history. My lineage goes something like this...Samuel/Mary to Hugh Reed to James William to James Alexander to James Marion Sr. to James Marion Jr. to my dad, Glen Barry Sr.

I've already been in contact with Henry Singer. His grandfather, Marcus Fred, was James Marion Sr.'s brother, both of whom migrated from their family holdings in South Carolina to Savannah, GA, where my grandfather would later be born and grow up. So to meet all of you folks and see that our family isn't as small as I once thought has been quite exciting...thanks again.

The Family of John Wiley Reed 1792-1854

Thursday, August 2, 2012

GETTING STARTED IN THE NEW LAND FOR THE REED'S

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